Author : Mohan A K , Department of Social Work, University of Mysore
Women in Panchayati Raj: A Historical Perspective
Women participation in Panchayati Raj institutions prior to the implementation of the 73rd Constitutional Amendment Act was very low. The system of Panchayati Raj, which was initiated mainly for people’s participation in the political and economic processes somehow, has not been successful in ensuring women’s participation. The champions of the Panchayati Raj system desired that rural women should not only become the beneficiaries of development, but more importantly, the contributors to it. The Balwantrai Mehta Committee was particular that women should find representation in rural political institutions. Hence, it recommended that besides the 20 members of the Panchayat Samiti, there should be two women “who are interested to work among women and children” as co-opted members (Government of India Report, 1957). By 1970s in a majority of states, seats were reserved for women. In case no one was elected, they were co-opted (Ambedkar and Shailaja, 2005). Still the situation remained unchanged and the participation of women in politics was minimal. The Committee on the Status of Women in India (CSWI) set up in 1971 to look into the various aspects of women’s status, including their political participation, presented its report in 1974. The Committee noted the ineffectiveness of the women’s representation in panchayats and recommended a statutory separate “all women’s panchayats” at the village level to ensure greater participation of women in the political process and with adequate resources for management of their welfare and development programmes, especially for rural women. They would be directly elected by the women of the village and would also have strong links with the existing PRS as their representatives would be sent to PS and ZP. The recommendation was not implemented by any state as the provision was not considered appropriate as it would further segregate the women instead of integrating them into the society (Buch, 2001).
The Ashok Mehta Committee noted that the involvement of rural women in the development process has always been regarded as an integral part of the total development of the village community. The committee on the state of women in India has even suggested the establishment of statutory women’s panchayats at the village level. The proposal emanates from the postulate that their contribution to the rural economy has not been adequately appreciated and if appreciated has not been institutionalized; that their representation in Panchayati Raj Institutions is mainly token and not effective in articulating their needs or for mobilizing their adequate participation (Ambedkar and Shailaja, 2005).
The Ashok Mehta Committee reviewed the PRS in 1978 and recommended that two women who get the highest number of votes in the elections be made members of ZP and Mandal Panchayats, respectively. In case no women came forward to contest the elections, two women should be co-opted at these levels. Karnataka, AP, and Bengal were the first states to introduce the policy of reservation for women on the recommendation of the Ashok Mehta Committee. They provided 25 per cent reservation for women at the ZP and mandal panchayat level (Singla, 2007).
The first step for the political empowerment of women has been initiated with 33 per cent of seats being reserved for women in the Panchayati Raj institutions under the 73rd Constitutional Amendment Act for Panchayati Raj institutions. Already over a million women are now functioning as elected members in the councils of Panchayati Raj institutions and municipal bodies. One-third of these institutions are headed by women as Sarpanchs, Chairpersons, Mayors, etc. (Rao, 2010). Interestingly the 73rd Constitutional Amendment and the policy and implementation of the 33 per cent reservation for women in Panchayats received strong support and impetus due to Rajiv Gandhi’s interest and advocacy in the matter (Kattimani, 2011).
Reservation for women in Panchayats
There is no doubt that women have benefited from reservations due to the competitive politics of various political parties. In 1983, Karnataka which had a Janata Dal government led by Ramakrishna Heggde and with Abdul Nazeer Sab as the minister in-charge witnessed the revival of panchayat institutions. It also introduced 25% reservations for women in panchayats (Buch, 2009).
The legislation providing reservation of one-third seats for women in local self-governing bodies was enacted in the last decade of the 90s. The Panchayat and Nagar Palika Bill, embodied in the 73rd and 74th (Articles 243D and 243T, respectively) Amendment Acts to the Constitution and providing for 33% reservation of seats for women in the panchayati raj institutions in rural areas and municipal bodies in towns and cities, was passed by Parliament without controversy in December 1992, during the Narasimha Rao government. The above mentioned Amendment Acts also enjoing that, from amongst the seats reserved for women belonging to the Scheduled Castes, or, as the case may be, Scheduled Tribes. Moreover, it was stipulated that seats reserved for women may be allotted by rotation to different constituencies. In 1994, different states brought their panchayat acts in conformity with the Constitution’s 73rd and 74th Amendments Acts, and the system is now believed to be working with a reasonable degree of success in states like Karnataka, Kerala, and West Bengal among others. Hailed as a landmark in the field of decentralized decisionmaking and grassroots democracy, it has been widely acknowledged that the 73rd and 74th Amendment Acts to the Constitution constitute, so far, the most effective legislative measures for women’s empowerment (Basu, 2004).
Political Participation of Women
Women’s participation in the political process is central to their struggle against oppression. All the different aspects of women’s liberation depend upon their ability to express their aspirations and demands politically. Women are not the weaker segment of the society or passive beneficiaries of the development process but are a source of unique strength for reaching the national goal (N.P.P, 1988-2000). Women’s equal participation in the decision-making process, policy making, planning and administration is extremely important to ensure their equality while participating in the developmental process. Equality of participation means involving the women of the community in decision-making and involving them in the same proportion in decision-making as they are proposed in the community at large (Prasad, 2007).
However, the position of women in politics has always been trivial. Although women constitute half the world’s population, their participation in political life has been negligible all along (Ravinder et al, 1996). Today, at the international level only 10 per cent of the parliamentary positions and six per cent of the Cabinet ministers’ posts are occupied by women (Usha, 1999). During the first general elections, 66 women contested the elections to Parliament and 19 were elected to the House of the People. Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru was quite appalled at the low representation of women in Parliament. Expressing his anguish and pondering over the issue he wrote thus on the matter in his letter to the Chief Ministers:
‘I have been meeting our new Members of Parliament. There are over 700 of them as between the two Houses. I have noticed with great regret how few women have been elected. I suppose this is so in the State Assemblies and Councils also. I think we are very much to be blamed. It is not a matter of showing favour to any one or even of injustice, but rather of doing something, which is not conducive to the future growth of our country. I am quite sure that our real and basic growth will only come when women have a full chance to play their part in public life. Wherever they have had this chance, they have, as a whole, done well, better if I may say so, then the average man, and so most of us naturally take a very lopsided view of the matter. We cannot be objective, because we have grown up in certain grooves of thought and action. But the future of India will probably depend ultimately more upon the women than the men’ (Quoted by Yogendra et al., 2007).
The second Lok Sabha (1962-67) had 24 women members consisting of 5 per cent of the total. Without having a cabinet berth only three women were appointed as Deputy Ministers. In the third Lok Sabha (1962-67), 37 women members were elected constituting 7.6% of which eight women became ministers. Mrs. Indira Gandhi became the first woman Prime Minister in 1966. The fourth Lok Sabha (1967-70) had only 31 women members. In the fifth Lok Sabha (1971-77) there were only 26 women making 4.2 per cent of the total strength. Only four women got ministerial berths including Mrs. Indira Gandhi as the Prime Minister. In the sixth Lok Sabha (1977-79), the number of women candidates was 19 making 3.4% per cent. During this period, there was only one minister. In the seventh Lok Sabha (1980-84) there were 44 women members constituting 8.5 per cent of which 10 women became ministers. In the ninth Lok Sabha (1989-91), the number of women members declined to 27 constituting only 5.3 per cent of the total strength of which there were only two women ministers. In the tenth Lok Sabha (1991-96), 39 women members were elected making it 7.17 per cent. Out of 39, five became members of the Council of Ministers. In the eleventh Lok Sabha (1996-97), there were 39 women members making 7.18 per cent. During these 13 days of the BJP Government there was one woman minister. In the twelfth Lok Sabha (1999-2004), 49 women candidates were elected, with an average percentage of 9.02 per cent. Of them 10 women were appointed as ministers. In the fourteenth Lok Sabha (2004), 44 women members were elected which constituted 8.1 per cent of the total seats and only 7 women members were given ministerial berth. From the above analysis, it is evident that though women participation in the political process has been increasing, their involvement in the decision-making process has been marginal. As far as the state legislatures are concerned, three states, i.e., Manipur, Nagaland, and Mizoram have no women representation (Mahakul, 2009).
When the Panchayat Raj system was introduced, very few women contested or got elected. The committees, which recommended the creation of Panchayat Raj Institutions (PRIs), did not say much about the role of women in these bodies. The Balwant Rai Mehta Committee recommended that in the constitution of Panchayats, provisions may be made for the co-option of two women members, “who are interested in work among women and children.” The Ashok Mehta Committee had mentioned that two women who secured the highest number of votes among the women candidates in the election could take the seats reserved for them, a method of co-option by election. Though the Panchayat Raj Institutions were established in almost all the states, women’s representation did not exceed beyond two or three. It was only in 1976, with the publication of the Report of the Committee on Status of Women that there was a demand for the representation of women in the Panchayat Raj through reservation. Karnataka became the pioneer state in the country by introducing the policy of reservation for women in Panchayat Raj Institutions by the Act of 1985 (Subha et al, 2006). It is believed that women find it easier to enter politics at the local level (following the Constitutional Amendments that allowed 33% reservation for women) than at the national level. Although women were elected in large numbers, their participation has been full of challenges and obstructions.
A study done in South India indicated that women were compelled by their male kin to contest the election. Women’s interest in politics did not matter and they were used as puppets by their husband, father, and brothers to carry out their mandates. There are many such instances in India (Jena, 2009). It is necessary to create positive and healthy socio-political conditions to enable women to participate actively and effectively in Panchayat Raj Institutions. Women’s reservation in Panchayat Raj Institutions, as provided under the 73rd Constitutional Amendment Act, is leading to their empowerment in the real sense (Mohanti, 1995). Utilizing the provision that not less than one-third seats need to be reserved for women, some states had given a slightly higher quota for women (as in Karnataka- 43.6%, and West Bengal-35%). One has to however, ask whether this was due to recognition of women’s power and contribution to the social development of rural India or merely the assumption that women would be easily elected and could later be manipulated by the men, party, and the community (Kaushik, 1999).
According to the document on Women’s Development (1985), women’s role in the political process has virtually remained unchanged since independence. Broadbased political participation of women has been severely limited due to various traditional factors such as caste, religion, feudal attitude, and family status. As a result, women have been left on the periphery of political life. Even though reservation provision for women was given under 73rd Constitutional Amendment Act, it became difficult to mobilize enough women candidates due to the lack of awareness among the people. Many women’s organizations and government agencies set about mobilizing women, raising their awareness, giving them political education and encouraging them to come forward to stand as candidates when the elections were announced. In West Bengal and Bihar, the state government itself organized such awareness raising workshops. Various voluntary organizations conducted a number of workshops, discussions, and camps to create awareness. The government too strove to join in this effort. Attempts were made to change the content of the ‘Awareness Generation Programmes,’ a scheme of the Central Social Welfare Board, to include a module on the Panchayat Raj ( Kaushik,1999).